It is very upset. But with all the recent uproar, the country has lost another problem that is under pressure in the form of a fall of immigration or trans-elemental alliance: a stringent, flatlineing economy. Two years in a recession, Germany is trapped in a vicious cycle of poor growth and low productivity, and no one knows what to do about it. Whatever results on Sunday, the country is in serious trouble.
At one point, there is an agreement to be fair: the risk of permanent decline is real. Businesses are cumbersome with high energy prices, excessive bureaucracy and increasing competition from China. An aging population means that there are less highly qualified workers to fill important jobs. The infrastructure is taking a toll based on years. In a magnificent global trade war, Germany’s export-oriented economy stands to lose more than others. A jury of economists and journalists, appointed for the name “Business Word of the Year” for 2024, is preferred – translated into English – “bureaucratic monster” and “transformation backlog”. Finally, it settled on “dendustrialization”.
Whatever the word is happening, it is clear that something has to be given. Mr. Merz, in the position of the pole to become the next Chancellor, depict himself as a reformer and promises tax deduct tax deduction. Nevertheless, he has not given a commendable interpretation of how he is going to finance them. He talks about innovation and development, but he is unclear on the plan to reduce government subsidies and social services. In an interview with The Weekly Die Zit, Mr. Marz admitted how much he was ready to do. “An aging society that has lived in peace and prosperity for years,” he said, “Less than one change in the flux is ready.”
Social Democrats led by Chancellor Olaf Sholaz are even more disputed. They want to loosen the constitutional loan brakes – which holds a strict limit on the government’s loan – to increase spending on education, housing and infrastructure. But the party, historically lies in the labor movement, is associated with the tradition of mass construction of the country, which it combines with high employment and social stability. Like Greens, Social Democrats pinned their hopes on low carbon technologies, which believe that they would shut down an industrial renaissance. Thanks to climate protection, Mr. Sholaz has said, the economy “will see the same growth rate as we did in the 1950s and 60s.”
This is not a accidental confusion. Both Mr. Sholz and Sri Marse often refer to the economic miracle, or “vertschaftwander”, post -wise decades “vertschaftvandar”, suggesting that another corner may be the correct phase. Below, they should know that a 25-year jump-a period in which all boats used to grow together-a historical discrepancy. Nevertheless, they clearly want to assure voters that there may be profit without profit, so they keep playing.
